5 out. Também conhecida como Revolta dos Alfaiates, a Conjuração Baiana foi uma revolta social de caráter popular ocorrida na Bahia em and early nineteenth centuries (most famously the Inconfidência Mineira of and the Conjuração Baiana of ), all of which were quashed by the army. Lara, Campos da violência, 35; and Vallim, “Da sedição dos mulatos à conjuração baiana de ,” “Carta de Martinho de Mello e Castro,” –

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New perspectives on the French presence in Bahia in Even though these re-readings have been slow to make their mark as points of reference for historians and in teaching material, for example, or precisely for this reason, the publication of these two documents is justifiable – bakana are until the present the most substantial in this sense. These are the documents transcribed below in a bilingual version French and English with explanatory notes 2.

In first place, because they provide new information about the potentially operational dimensions of the francezia attributed to those baianz in the conspiracy. In second place, because they add variables that are still unknown about the social circulation of seditious ideas in Bahia at the end of the eighteenth century, and finally because they illuminate from another angle the recurrent historiographical problem of the social scope of the attempted sedition in Bahia inin gaiana words of Luis Henrique Dias Tavares.

And apart from Accoli, the painstaking chronicler, who noted that “it was said at this time that people of consideration influenced the intended revolt” 8this legacy of D. Fernando went undiscussed until the historiographical revision in the Republican context made by Francisco Borges de Barros 9which was given better treatment in relation to the relevant documentation by Braz do Amaral 10both arguing that members of the Bahian elite participated in the sedition, a line of thought also followed by the Bahian historian – Afonso Ruy, author of the best known and 1978 cited study among baianz that intend to show that it was part of what he called, with the engaged sense of political marketing, “the first Brazilian social revolution” Ruy’s thesis is surprising in its daring.

He argues that what happened in Bahia in “would be best called by us a Proletariat Revolution, arising out of the environment of workers, artisans and soldiers who preached and guided, indoctrinated in the political, socialist and irreligious principles of France 12 “.

The hard core of this doctrinaire flux was formed by “elements of the highest worth in the Capitaniaby their assets both in terms of education and wealth, [concerned with] studying and discussing the political and economic problems that had revolutionized the conjuraao 13ideas whose diffusion among the lower classes proved to be the weak point of the political enterprise due to the loss of control of the process by the group of ‘good thinkers’.

Ruy’s logic is precise: According to Tavares, “from the end of and the beginning of until July, August, or Septemberin the city of Salvador a small conmurao of ‘men of consideration’ acted, Brazilians who repudiated colonial exploitation and who were attracted by France and its gaiana ideas” The ideas that were circulating among them reached the common people who became enchanted with them.

Sedition, understood as the preparation of a project of political action aimed at altering the current relations of power, is thus circumscribed to this means, which allows it to affirm that “free men, but socially discriminated donjurao, mulattoes, soldiers, artisans, former slaves and baisna of slaves, conceived the idea of a republic that would guarantee equality.

These are the people talking about a rising in ” Conjutao can be perceived the legacy of D. The confrontation between what appears in the Devassa and the information dispersed through the documentation with other origins provides consistent evidence of white men and landowners being involved in seditious activities in Bahia at the end of the eighteenth century. However, cohjurao are some exceptions: In addition, the letters of the French official illustrate the meaning of the passages that until now have remained obscure in the Devassaespecially the references to the hypothesis of external assistance for the badly conceived revolutionary project in Bahia, in general attributed by historiography conjuao political rhetoric or simply to delusions without any basis in reality.

This is the case in question of the seditious pamphlets which stated “we will soon have foreign help” 29the “revolution and its conclusion will take place in this city” 30and “all the foreigners will baianz here because the port will be open, most notably the French nation” In addition, there is the fleeting reference by Manuel dos Santos Lira in the records of the Devassa to Cipriano Connurao, with the latter having told the former to be prudent in his actions due to the ill-preparedness of “the greater part of the inhabitants of this continent” for a cojurao on the scale of a revolution, with it being conjuao “to wait for the French to come” What can be admitted is that, despite the very low possibility of Larcher having fraternized with people of a social level so distinct from his own, both because of the limitations bxiana by languages and values and due to evident questions of security, his level of understanding with his interlocutors from the higher strata in local society ran through the ducts of a political capillarity that interconnected men who, despite being in different social conditions, held in high regard conjurap ideas coming from revolutionary France.

That historic moment was marked by a dual question: In other words, drawing on the expression used in Jacques Godechot’s well known study 33it 1789 the moment when the perspective of the Grande Nation was being affirmed, i. The construction of this Grande Nation took place through conflict and internal conflicts in the French nation itself.

Truguet was nominated a councilor by Napoleon Bonaparte infor whom he commanded the French squadrons in the Mediterranean and the Atlantic. Carnot and Barras were the two most important figures by far. Carnot was the outstanding military leader, who had been responsible for important military victories during the Revolution, opening the way for the Napoleonic expansion, in which, however, he did not participate directly due to disagreements.

Coming from the Montagnardsthe most left wing group in the French Revolution, Carnot moved away from them with the ascension of Robespierre, later serving Napoleon, and was definitely banished from public life following the Restoration, dying in exile The Directorate followed a juste milieu type of policy, which on the one hand sought to prevent the return of the forces of the Ancien Regime and, on the other hand, combated what they considered to conkurao revolutionary conjirao, seeking to stabilize the achievements of the revolution, but without expanding them.


The Constitution that had been enacted in France in Septembera copy of which was left by Larcher in Salvador, expressed this situation: Republican government was maintained, but some revolutionary and social principles contained in the Constitution, written by the Jacobins, were eliminated, such as mechanisms of democracy and direct participation.

By its rejection of the universal vote this constitution reestablished indirect suffrage in two stages based on the payment of tax.

It conjurak be noted that Larcher’s interlocutors in the French government had positions with a variety of influences which resulted in differentiated attitudes. While Carnot from the Directorate, had a Jacobin background and would never agree with the Monarchists, Truguet, the Minister of the Marine, came from the Girondins, and in the future would serve the Restoration monarchy.

The expectation that Larcher developed for Portuguese America would find an echo in certain sectors and resistance ocnjurao others, but nevertheless, they were all limited by questions related to this context. However, the campaign in Egypt inas coniurao well known, when Napoleon, despite the victories he won, was defeated by the English fleet, marked the geo-political limits of the Grande Nation at that time and highlighted its difficulty in expanding outside the European continent. Social conflicts were also striking.

During Gracchus Babeuf was executed in Paris for attempting a popular rising that would implement an agrarian communism. In the same period that the freedman Toussaint Louverture won the position of Governor General and head of the armed forces in Santa Dominica in the French Caribbean at the head of thousands of armed men, most of whom were also former slaves.

One question that permeated the project for Bahia supported by Larcher was slavery. Although the soldier did not deal with this point in his correspondence with the French authorities nor did the manifestations that we know of in in Bahia highlight in any consistent form an abolitionist solutionthe large scale slave insurrections that began in the French colony of Santa Dominica in made the question unavoidable at that time.

At the time of his trip to Brazil inas is well known, Larcher was carrying with him the official report of the abolition of slavery in the French colonies for Mauritius, from where he was expelled by French colonists dissatisfied with this measure.

The abolition of slavery by the leaders of the French Revolution occurred after much hesitation and contradictions between the ideals of universal equality and the commercial and agrarian interests of sectors of French society and was, above all, the results of the events on Santa Dominica when the long and wide ranging slave insurrection was transformed into a revolutionary movement that destroyed slavery in practiced, later eliminating French colonial domination.

However, as a result of these internal tensions, in Napoleon reestablished slavery in the French colonies, except in Santa Dominica where it had been eliminated by force The attempts of Captain Larcher occurred simultaneously to other initiatives at negotiation using diplomatic means in which France tried to obtain part of Brazil.

Rodrigo de Sousa Coutinho the future Count of Linhares. Within the Portuguese court these two nobles were the respective exponents of the French and English ‘parties’. In other words, in the wake of the crisis caused by the French Revolution and the later invasion of the Iberian peninsula by the French, both adopted antagonistic positions in relation to the two European powers. With the reinforcement and strengthening of British dominance in Portugal, D.

Rodrigo came out best. The agreement he consented to included, among other aspects, ceding part of the Brazilian Amazon to France. When news arrived in Portugal of this treaty, D.

Conjuração Baiana – Wikipedia, wolna encyklopedia

More specifically in the Brazilian case the eighteenth baizna had witnessed some concrete unsuccessful attempts at Baaiana military occupation, such as Rio de Janeiro inas well as constant corsairs and smugglers along the coast. Infor coniurao, seven Luso-Brazilian ships from Bahia were seized by a French squadron off the African coast Also of importance was the attempt to land men on the southern coast of Bahia by a French ship and brig inrepelled by the local inhabitants The project for the invasion of Bahia written by Larcher, however, was not the fruit of an revolutionary outburst or delirium, rather it was an attempt, no matter how daring, that emerged out of a determined context.

Nor was it unilateral, but based on the demands of sectors of local society.

In this way it can be seen how Captain Larcher, holding the important position of Head of Division in the French Navy, had glimpsed and tried to implement the extension of this revolutionary Grande Nation to Bahia, where he had arrived through unforeseen circumstances and had been welcomed by various groups and people.

If the project had been successful Larcher would have been a leading figure in the new form of relations to be implemented between Bahia and France, which would have had effects on the rest of Brazil as well as significant political and commercial consequences. On the other hand, it would have brought the war directly to the American continent and would have placed thousands of muskets in the hands of the poorer social groups. For this reason it is possible to understand the geo-political, military and social obstacles that aborted this project on the French side.

The trip through Bahia, although unscheduled, represented an episode that was triggered by the others. Although it is not part of the aim of this paper to contextualize the route of his journey, it is worth highlighting some points of interest to the case being discussed.

In the fight that lasted four and half hours clnjurao men were killed on the Luso-Brazilian side: The cargo confiscated by the French soldiers consisted of sugar, liquor, tobacco, iron and uniforms for Portuguese troops in Asia. After the violent confrontation and when the prey had been captured, including the armament and munitions, Larcher negotiated in a courteous manner with the defeated captain, giving him a safe conduct in relation to all other French vessels, asking them not to attack again the vessel, which allowed Conjufao Antonio de Polifemo to return to Bahia without being further attacked and with the survivors being freed This attitude in the negotiations helps understand how a few months later Larcher would be well received in Salvador, which he reached in Novembernow as a simple passenger on the Biana ship Boa Viagemcoming from Asia which he had left without his vessel La Preneusehaving been expelled by cpnjurao French slaveholding colonists, as has already been mentioned It was during his time of approximately one month in Salvador, that the contacts occurred between Captain Larcher and the highest ranking authorities, such as the Captain General D.

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Furthermore, it was actually on a Portuguese ship, Bom Jesusthat Larcher returned to Europe in Januarygetting stuck against his will in the Portuguese capital, lacking the resources to return to his native country. While he waited in Lisbon, at least between March and JuneCaptain Larcher seemed anxious to advance the projected French support for the Bahian conspirators.


Larcher’s time in the Portuguese capital was painful and tense due to the developments of the European crisis caused by the French Revolution and its consequences, as can be seen in three other letters he wrote to his superiors On the one hand, Larcher found himself in the uncomfortable position of remaining in Lisbon at the mercy of the negotiations full of alarmist rumors between the powers and under the vigilance of the Portuguese government, from whom he also received a proposal to come over to their side On the other hand, he remained loyal to the government of his country and his letters were close to spying: Larcher let escape a snide comment about the military capacity of soldiers from Brazil who had been brought over to assist with the war in Europe, when he stated that if they were the same as the Bahians there would be nothing to fear in them While the future Count of Barca negotiated treaties with the Directorate in Paris that would never be fulfilled, Larcher remained in Lisbon at the mercy of events, without receiving a reply from France and above all lacking money for his expenses and for his journey home.

He even formally requested this money from the Portuguese government in the form of a loan, a request that was denied It can thus be seen that the profile of Larcher that emerges from this situation is not that of an adventurer or a mercenary, so common at those times, nor that of a dubious aristocratic officer, or even a crazy lone revolutionary, but rather that of a military professional who identified with the expansionist projects of his own country.

It would have been strange for him to spend time and ink writing and placing his own personal prestige in play if he had not been really convinced and encouraged by the contacts he made in Bahia to follow through the request for support for the intended uprising.

The Project transcribed below, dated 24 April and sent from Lisbon to Paris, is to a certain extent self-explanatory, at least in relation to the invasion plans, in other words what the Bahian conspirators requested from French Republic and what they promised it in return through Captain Larcher.

In general terms it involved military support for the proclamation of independence of Bahia in exchange for privileged trade agreements. In the same Project can be noted the expectation that all of Brazil would, as a result of events in Bahia, also proclaim independence in a unified form, stating that “the other capitanias Brazil” would form “a free people”.

It still remains to be known if this statement written by Larcher was just the fruit of his own individual perception or if he picked it up from the Bahian conspirators. Nor is it known if this ‘Brazilian’ perspective was based on previous contacts with other capitanias or mere speculation, as a scenario seen as possible.

Nevertheless, this testimony referring to is one of the first explicit manifestations of the possibility of the various Brazilian capitanias proclaiming independence from Portugal in a unified manner from protagonists favorable to this.

Conjuração Baiana

Moreover, in the records of the Devassa there appears in a constant form, though inconsistent in relation to the evidence, the coonjurao that the Bahian conspirators wanted the entire “continent of Brazil” to rebel. Another point to be emphasized is that France, at least in the words of Captain Larcher, intended to exercise exclusivity of trade with Brazil, in substitution of the one exercised by Portugal, an aspect that appears in the two documents transcribed here, as will be see below.

Furthermore, the French soldier repeated in the two texts transcribed here that he had discussed these parts of baiaha conspiracy with sectors from the Bahian elite. The letter also written in Lisbon to the Directorate of the French Republic about the same theme and dated 15 June almost two months after the Project and 7198 transcribed below has some interesting characteristics.

As a precaution there was a fear that the correspondence would be intercepted on its journey between Portugal and Paris, as stated by Larcher himself there bakana no explicit reference to the place of the conspiracy, although its terms and date leave no doubt that it also involves Bahia. The initiative of this new message results from a mixture of reinforcement and insistence on the proposal, alongside comjurao fear that the previous correspondence that gone astray and, though more subtly, the fear that the Minister of the Marine and the Colonies, Truguet, identified with the moderate Girondinist and even Monarchist wing conjurxo the Revolution had left the Project somewhere to gather dust Moreover, Larcher appeared to have many motives for his suspicion, since he was abandoned in Lisbon without the support of the French authorities, as has already been mentioned.

At the same time Larcher included in coniurao second letter details that suggested that the Bahian conspiracy was well advanced “The Plan is ready and implemented”including in relation to the possibility of French military intervention. He also stated that there were two men whom he did not name among the conspirators willing to go to France to negotiate personally and that the signals conventions for communication between the conspirators had already been defined.

Some of the occupations of those involved are specified ‘educated persons’, traders and soldiersevidence that his contacts had been with sectors of local elites, bsiana was most plausible.

This also is connected to the social range of the conspirators, which was, thus, not baianq to the poorer or middle class parts of the population. In relation to the role to be exercised by France in Bahia, in this new projected situation the French intention, as expressed by Larcher, of implementing exclusive French trade in substitution for the Portuguese was symptomatically highlighted, baians though it was to be for a still to be decided period.

It can be seen that the perspective of the French Revolution did not accompany the much talked about ‘new ideas’ in economic relations. Potentially at least, it raises the possibility of the insertion and articulation of the capitania of Bahia in new times in Portuguese America and in Europe, in other words in the Age of Revolutions.